Trump needs a security threat to go to war on Greenland without a quick OK from Congress. January 13: “There are destroyers, Chinese destroyers and important Russian submarines everywhere outside Greenland.” The US must therefore take control, according to the president. He repeated this in interviews and on Truth Social, linked to plans to “own” Greenland instead of renting it.
There are no verified reports of a massive presence; Chinese research vessels are present in limited numbers in the Central Arctic, but not around Greenland in a decade.

Denmark’s Joint Arctic Command stated on January 16, 2026, that no Chinese or Russian ships had been observed near Greenland. A Russian research vessel was 310 nautical miles (57 kilometers) away, but no warships. Greenlandic ministers and Arctic experts call the claims ”fantasy” or ”fact-free nonsense.”
“National Emergency” Trump’s Rope Trick
President Trump could use a national emergency declaration to bypass primary congressional approval for a possible military action against Greenland, based on interpretations of existing laws and historical precedents.

The 1976 law allows the president to unilaterally declare a national emergency, activating hundreds of statutes that grant expanded powers, including military resources for “national security” without immediate congressional approval. Congress can end the emergency with a joint resolution, but the president can veto it. A two-thirds majority is required to override the veto—a high threshold for both chambers of Congress.
The president as commander in chief (Article II, Constitution) can commit troops to “hostilities” for up to 60 days (plus 30 days of withdrawal) without prior authorization, provided he notifies Congress within 48 hours. The same applies to Trump’s tariffs. It is unclear whether this has happened.
Congress can retroactively authorize via an Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), which has historically been widely approved (e.g. Iraq 2002). If Trump labels Greenland a “security threat” similar to the Venezuela attacks, the Republican majority can authorize retroactively, despite the constitutional requirement for a declaration of war (Article I). Critics argue that this has been abused since 2001, with weak countervailing powers.
/ By Ingemar Lindmark
